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  • 12月 27 週一 201010:41
  • Life Limitates Farce





補習-Life Limitates Farce














This eloquent speech was given on the floor of
the House of Representatives by Representative Richard Gephardt of Missouri, the
House Democratic leader, shortly before the House voted on four articles of
impeachment against President Bill Clinton, Saturday, December 19, 1998.
The four articles charged Clinton with perjury, obstruction of justice,
and abuse of power, resulting from his attempt to conceal an extramarital affair
in the White House with Monica Lewinsky when she was an intern and after she
became a paid employee.
Gephardt called for a resolution of censure against the President instead
of impeachment and also pleaded for a change in the political atmosphere in
Washington in which attacks on personal conduct, past and present, had become
part of the daily discourse.
Preceding Gephardt's speech, House speaker-designate Bob Livingston, a
Republican from Louisiana, made a stunning announcement. Livingston first called
on President Clinton to resign and then announced he would step down himself
because of his own extramarital affairs which had been revealed on the eve of
the impeachment vote.
Several weeks earlier, House Judiciary Chairman Henry Hyde, a Republican
from Illinois, had been forced to confront allegations of an extramarital affair
that had occurred many years ago. Several other members of Congress had been
confronted with similar rumors and allegations.
Mr. Speaker and members of the House, I stood on this floor
yesterday and implored all of us to say that the politics of slash-and-burn must
end. I implored all of you that we must turn away from the politics of personal
destruction and return to the politics of values.
It is with that same passion that I say to all of you today that the
gentleman from Louisiana, Bob Livingston, is a worthy and good and honorable
man.
I believe his decision to retire is a terrible capitulation to the
negative forces that are consuming our political system and our country.
And I pray with all my heart that he will reconsider this decision.
Our founding fathers created a system of government of men, not of
angels. No one standing in this House today can pass a Puritanical test of
purity that some are demanding that our elected leaders take.
If we demand that mere mortals live up to this standard, we will see our
seats of government lay empty, and we will see the best, most able people
unfairly cast out of public service.
We need to stop destroying imperfect people at the altar of an
unobtainable morality.
We need to start living up to the standards which the public, in its
infinite wisdom, understands that imperfect people must strive towards, but too
often fall short.
We are now rapidly descending into a politics where life imitates farce.
Fratricide dominates our public debate and America is held hostage to tactics of
smear and fear.
Let all of us here today say no to resignation, no to impeachment, no to
hatred, no to intolerance of each other, and no to vicious self-righteousness.
We need to start healing. We need to start binding up our wounds. We need
to end this downward spiral which will culminate in the death of representative
democracy.
I believe this healing can start today by changing the course we've
begun.
This is exactly why we need this today to be bipartisan. This is why we
ask the opportunity to vote on a bipartisan censure resolution, to begin the
process of healing our nation and healing our people.
We are on the brink of the abyss. The only way we stop this insanity is
through the force of our own will.
The only way we stop this spiral is for all of us to finally say --
enough.
Let us step back from the abyss and let's begin a new politics of respect
and fairness and decency which raises what has come before.
May God have mercy on this Congress and may Congress have the wisdom and
the courage and the goodness to save itself today.
Richard Gephardt - December 19, 1998




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  • 12月 27 週一 201010:41
  • Life is all about choices





補習-Life is all about choices














邁克爾總是樂呵呵的,你總能聽到他說些積極上進的話。他似乎生來就積極進取。他這樣告訴他的員工:每天早晨醒來,我對自己說,邁克爾,今天你有兩種選擇,選擇心情愉快,選擇心情惡劣,我選擇心情愉快;有不愉快的事情發生,選擇成為一個犧牲品,或是選擇從中吸取教訓,我選擇吸取教訓。

邁克爾從60英尺的大樓上摔下,卻活了下來,當有人問及他當時的想法,他是這樣回答的:我告訴我的手術醫生,我選擇活著,我愿意做任何手術。


選擇接受生活的積極面也許是人生中最為明智的選擇,其實,每個人都有機會充實、健康的活著,關鍵取決于你的人生態度。



Michael is the kind of guy you love to hate. He is always in a good mood
and always has something positive to say. When someone would ask him how he was
doing, he would reply, If I were any better, I'd be twins! He was a natural
motivator.


If an employee was having a bad day, Michael was there telling the employee
how to look on the positive side of the situation. Seeing this style really made
me curious, so one day I went up to Michael and asked him, I don' t get it. You
can' t be positive all the time. How do you do it?


Michael replied, each morning I wake up and say to myself 'Mike, you have two
choices today. You can choose to be in a good mood or you can choose to be in a
bad mood.' I choose to be in a good mood. Each time something bad happens, I can
choose to be a victim or choose to learn from it. I choose to learn from it.
Every time someone comes to me complaining I can choose to accept their
complaining or I can point out the positive side of life. I choose the positive
side of life.


Yeah, right. It isn't that easy. I protested.


Yes it is, Michael said. Life is all about choices. When you cut away all the
junk, every situation is a choice. You choose how you react to situations. You
choose how people will affect your mood. You choose to be in a good mood or bad
mood. The bottom line is: It's your choice how you live life. I reflected on
what Michael said.


Soon thereafter, I left the big enterprise that I had worked in for years to
start my own business. We lost touch, but I often though about him when I made a
choice about life instead of reacting to it. Several years later, I heard
Michael was involved in a serious accident, falling off 60 feet from a
communications tower.


After l8 hours of surgery, and weeks of intensive care, Michael was released
from the hospital with rods placed in his back. I saw Michael about six months
after the accident. When I asked him how he was, he replied, If I were any
better, I'd be twins. Wanna see my scars? I declined to see his wounds, but did
ask him what had gone through his mind as the accident took place.


The first thing that went through my mind was the well being of my
soon-to-born daughter, Michael replied. Then, as I lay on the ground, remembered
I had two choices: I could choose to live or I could choose to die. I chose to
live. Weren't you scared? Did you lose consciousness? I asked. Michael
continued, ... the paramedics were great. They kept telling me I was going to be
fine. But when they wheeled me into the operation room and I saw the expressions
on the faces of the doctors and nurses, I got really scared. In their eyes, l
read 'He's a dead man.' I knew I needed to take action. What did you do? I
asked. Well, there was a big burly nurse shouting questions at me said Michael.
She asked me if I was allergic to anything. 'Yes,' I said. The doctors and
nurses stopped working as they waited for my reply. I took a deep breath and
yelled, 'Gravity' Over their laughter, I told them, 'I'm choosing to live.
Operate on me as if I am alive, not dead'.


Michael lived, thanks to the skill of his doctors, but also because of his
amazing attitude.


I 1eamed from him that every day we have a choice to live fully. Attitude is
everything.





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  • 12月 27 週一 201010:39
  • Life is all about choices





補習-Life is all about choices














邁克爾總是樂呵呵的,你總能聽到他說些積極上進的話。他似乎生來就積極進取。他這樣告訴他的員工:每天早晨醒來,我對自己說,邁克爾,今天你有兩種選擇,選擇心情愉快,選擇心情惡劣,我選擇心情愉快;有不愉快的事情發生,選擇成為一個犧牲品,或是選擇從中吸取教訓,我選擇吸取教訓。

邁克爾從60英尺的大樓上摔下,卻活了下來,當有人問及他當時的想法,他是這樣回答的:我告訴我的手術醫生,我選擇活著,我愿意做任何手術。


選擇接受生活的積極面也許是人生中最為明智的選擇,其實,每個人都有機會充實、健康的活著,關鍵取決于你的人生態度。



Michael is the kind of guy you love to hate. He is always in a good mood
and always has something positive to say. When someone would ask him how he was
doing, he would reply, If I were any better, I'd be twins! He was a natural
motivator.


If an employee was having a bad day, Michael was there telling the employee
how to look on the positive side of the situation. Seeing this style really made
me curious, so one day I went up to Michael and asked him, I don' t get it. You
can' t be positive all the time. How do you do it?


Michael replied, each morning I wake up and say to myself 'Mike, you have two
choices today. You can choose to be in a good mood or you can choose to be in a
bad mood.' I choose to be in a good mood. Each time something bad happens, I can
choose to be a victim or choose to learn from it. I choose to learn from it.
Every time someone comes to me complaining I can choose to accept their
complaining or I can point out the positive side of life. I choose the positive
side of life.


Yeah, right. It isn't that easy. I protested.


Yes it is, Michael said. Life is all about choices. When you cut away all the
junk, every situation is a choice. You choose how you react to situations. You
choose how people will affect your mood. You choose to be in a good mood or bad
mood. The bottom line is: It's your choice how you live life. I reflected on
what Michael said.


Soon thereafter, I left the big enterprise that I had worked in for years to
start my own business. We lost touch, but I often though about him when I made a
choice about life instead of reacting to it. Several years later, I heard
Michael was involved in a serious accident, falling off 60 feet from a
communications tower.


After l8 hours of surgery, and weeks of intensive care, Michael was released
from the hospital with rods placed in his back. I saw Michael about six months
after the accident. When I asked him how he was, he replied, If I were any
better, I'd be twins. Wanna see my scars? I declined to see his wounds, but did
ask him what had gone through his mind as the accident took place.


The first thing that went through my mind was the well being of my
soon-to-born daughter, Michael replied. Then, as I lay on the ground, remembered
I had two choices: I could choose to live or I could choose to die. I chose to
live. Weren't you scared? Did you lose consciousness? I asked. Michael
continued, ... the paramedics were great. They kept telling me I was going to be
fine. But when they wheeled me into the operation room and I saw the expressions
on the faces of the doctors and nurses, I got really scared. In their eyes, l
read 'He's a dead man.' I knew I needed to take action. What did you do? I
asked. Well, there was a big burly nurse shouting questions at me said Michael.
She asked me if I was allergic to anything. 'Yes,' I said. The doctors and
nurses stopped working as they waited for my reply. I took a deep breath and
yelled, 'Gravity' Over their laughter, I told them, 'I'm choosing to live.
Operate on me as if I am alive, not dead'.


Michael lived, thanks to the skill of his doctors, but also because of his
amazing attitude.


I 1eamed from him that every day we have a choice to live fully. Attitude is
everything.





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  • 12月 27 週一 201010:39
  • Life is all about choices 生活充滿選擇





補習-Life is all about choices 生活充滿選擇














Michael is the kind of guy you love to hate. He is
always in a good mood and always has something positive to say. When someone
would ask him how he was doing, he would reply, If I were any better, Id be
twins! He was a natural motivator.


邁克爾是那種你真想恨一恨的家伙,他總是樂呵呵的,總是說些積極上進的話。如果有人問他近況如何,他會這樣回答:如果我還能再好,我就成雙胞胎了!他生來就會讓人積極進取。


If an employee was having a bad day, Michael was
there telling the employee how to look on the positive side of the situation.
Seeing this style really made me curious, so one day I went up to Michael and
asked him, I don' t get it. You can' t be positive all the time. How do you do
it?


如果哪位雇員有天過得很糟糕,邁克爾會告訴他如何看待問題的積極一面。他的這種方式著實讓我好奇,所以有一天我找到邁克爾問:我真弄不明白。你怎么能總是那樣積極樂觀?你是如何做到這一點的?


Michael replied, each morning I wake up and say to
myself 'Mike, you have two choices today. You can choose to be in a good mood or
you can choose to be in a bad mood.' I choose to be in a good mood. Each time
something bad happens, I can choose to be a victim or choose to learn from it. I
choose to learn from it. Every time someone comes to me complaining I can choose
to accept their complaining or I can point out the positive side of life. I
choose the positive side of life.


邁克爾回答說,每天早晨醒來時我對自己說,邁克,今天你有兩種選擇。你可以選擇心情愉快,你也可以選擇心情惡劣。我選擇心情愉快。每次什么不愉快的事情發生時,我可以選擇成為一個犧牲品,也可以選擇從中吸取教訓。我選擇從中吸取教訓。每次有什么人找我來抱怨,我可以選擇接受他們的抱怨,也可以選擇向他指出生活的積極面。我選擇指出生活的積極面。


Yeah, right. It isn't that easy. I protested.


是的,不錯。可并不那么容易呀。我表示異議。


Yes it is, Michael said. Life is all about choices.
When you cut away all the junk, every situation is a choice. You choose how you
react to situations. You choose how people will affect your mood. You choose to
be in a good mood or bad mood. The bottom line is: It's your choice how you live
life. I reflected on what Michael said.


其實很容易,邁克爾說。生活就是選擇。從每一事物剔除一切枝節后剩下的都是一種選擇。你選擇如何應付生活中的種種情形。你選擇他人會怎樣影響你的情緒。你選擇是心情愉快還是心情惡劣。說到底:如何生活是你自己的選擇。我琢磨著邁克爾的這席話。


Soon thereafter, I left the big enterprise that I
had worked in for years to start my own business. We lost touch, but I often
though about him when I made a choice about life instead of reacting to it.
Several years later, I heard Michael was involved in a serious accident, falling
off 60 feet from a communications tower.


那以后不久,我離開了工作數年的大企業去創建自己的公司。我們失去了聯系,但當我對生活做出一種選擇而非對它做出反應時,我時常想起邁克爾。幾年之后,我聽說邁克爾遭遇一場惡性事故,從一座通訊大樓的60英尺高處掉了下來。


After l8 hours of surgery, and weeks of intensive
care, Michael was released from the hospital with rods placed in his back. I saw
Michael about six months after the accident. When I asked him how he was, he
replied, If I were any better, Id be twins. Wanna see my scars? I declined to
see his wounds, but did ask him what had gone through his mind as the accident
took place.


在經歷了18個小時的手術和數周的精心護理之后,邁克爾出院了,背部裝有金屬桿。大約事故半年之后,我見到了邁克爾。當我問他怎么樣時,他回答,如果我還能再好,我就成雙胞胎了。想看看我的傷疤嗎?我拒絕看他的傷痕,但的確問了他事故發生時他是怎么想的。


The first thing that went through my mind was the
well being of my soon-to-born daughter, Michael replied. Then, as I lay on the
ground, remembered I had two choices: I could choose to live or I could choose
to die. I chose to live. Werent you scared? Did you lose consciousness? I asked.
Michael continued, ... the paramedics were great. They kept telling me I was
going to be fine. But when they wheeled me into the operation room and I saw the
expressions on the faces of the doctors and nurses, I got really scared. In
their eyes, l read 'He's a dead man.' I knew I needed to take action. What did
you do? I asked. Well, there was a big burly nurse shouting questions at me said
Michael. She asked me if I was allergic to anything. Yes, I said. The doctors
and nurses stopped working as they waited for my reply. I took a deep breath and
yelled, Gravity Over their laughter, I told them, 'I'm choosing to live. Operate
on me as if I am alive, not dead'.


我首先想到的是我那即將出世的女兒的幸福生活,邁克爾答道。當時我躺在地上,我記起我有兩種選擇:我可以選擇活著,也可以選擇死。我選擇了活。你難道不害怕嗎?你失去知覺了嗎?我問。邁克爾接著說,那些護理人員棒極了。他們不停地告訴我我會好的。但當他們把我推進手術室,我看到醫生和護士臉上的表情時,我真是嚇壞了。在他們的眼里,我讀出了他是個死人。我知道我應該采取行動。你采取了什么行動?我問道。有一位人高馬大的護士大聲沖我問問題,邁克爾說。她問我是否對什么過敏。是的,我說。醫生和護士都停下手中的活兒等我回答。我深吸一口氣大聲說出,萬有引力。他們的笑聲未了,我告訴他們,我選擇活著。把我當活人而不是死人來做手術。


Michael lived, thanks to the skill of his doctors,
but also because of his amazing attitude. I 1eamed from him that every day we
have a choice to live fully. Attitude is everything.


邁克爾活了下來,這要感謝他那些醫生的高明醫術,但也要歸功于他那令人贊嘆的態度。我從他那里學到了我們每天都有機會充實地活著,關鍵是態度。





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  • 12月 27 週一 201010:38
  • Liberty or Death





補習-Liberty or Death














Following the Boston Tea Party, Dec. 16, 1773,
in which American Colonists dumped 342 containers of tea into the Boston harbor,
the British Parliament enacted a series of Acts in response to the rebellion in
Massachusetts.
In May of 1774, General Thomas Gage, commander of all British military
forces in the colonies, arrived in Boston, followed by the arrival of four
regiments of British troops.
The First Continental Congress met in the fall of 1774 in Philadelphia
with 56 American delegates, representing every colony, except Georgia. On
September 17, the Congress declared its opposition to the repressive Acts of
Parliament, saying they are not to be obeyed, and also promoted the formation of
local militia units.
Thus economic and military tensions between the colonists and the British
escalated. In February of 1775, a provincial congress was held in Massachusetts
during which John Hancock and Joseph Warren began defensive preparations for a
state of war. The English Parliament then declared Massachusetts to be in a
state of rebellion.
On March 23, in Virginia, the largest colony in America, a meeting of the
colony's delegates was held in St. John's church in Richmond. Resolutions were
presented by Patrick Henry putting the colony of Virginia into a posture of
defense...embodying, arming, and disciplining such a number of men as may be
sufficient for that purpose. Before the vote was taken on his resolutions, Henry
delivered the speech below, imploring the delegates to vote in favor.
He spoke without any notes in a voice that became louder and louder,
climaxing with the now famous ending. Following his speech, the vote was taken
in which his resolutions passed by a narrow margin, and thus Virginia joined in
the American Revolution.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as
abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But
different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I
hope that it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if,
entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall
speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve.
This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of
awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than
a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the
subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we
can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold
to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through
fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my
country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of heaven, which I
revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope.
We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of
that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men,
engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of
the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the
things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation?
For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know
the whole truth -- to know the worst and to provide for it. I have but one lamp
by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no
way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to
know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten
years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace
themselves and the House?
Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately
received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not
yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious
reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations which cover
our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of
love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled
that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves,
sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation -- the last arguments to
which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its
purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other
possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?
No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no
other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the
British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them?
Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years.
Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing.
We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it
has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What
terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech
you, sir, deceive ourselves longer.
Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which
is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated;
we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its
interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.
Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced
additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we
have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after
these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is
no longer any room for hope.
If we wish to be free -- if we mean to preserve inviolate those
inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending -- if we mean
not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged,
and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object
of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must
fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak -- unable to cope with so formidable
an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard
shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and
inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely
on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall
have bound us hand and foot?
Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of the means which the God
of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy
cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible
by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not
fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of
nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us.
The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the
active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to
desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat
but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be
heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable -- and let it come! I
repeat it, sir, let it come!
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace!
Peace! -- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that
sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our
brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that
gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to
be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know
not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me
death!
Patrick Henry - March 23, 1775




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  • 12月 21 週二 201016:59
  • 補習-It's worth it!





補習-It's worth it!















我們總是處在決定和選擇之中,決定一件事情是否該做,是否值得做;選擇我們認為重要的,放棄我們認為不重要的。而這個過程往往是艱難的,痛苦的,我們會反復地衡量得與失,理性地分析對與錯。也許只有當我們靜心獨處,仔細傾聽內心的聲音的時候,才能做出一個不后悔的選擇。


Horror gripped the heart of the World War I soldier as he saw his lifelong friend fall in battle. Caught in a trench with continuous gunfire whizzing over his head, the soldier asked his lieutenant if he might go out into the No Mans Land between the trenches to bring his fallen comrade back.


You can go, said the Lieutenant, but I dont think it will be worth it. Your friend is probably dead and you may throw your own life away. The Lieutenants words didnt matter, and the soldier went anyway.


Miraculously he managed to reach his friend, hoisted him onto his shoulder, and brought him back to their companys trench. As the two of them tumbled in together to the bottom of the trench, the officer checked the wounded soldier, then looked kindly at his friend. I told you it wouldnt be worth it, he said. Your friend is dead, and you are mortally wounded.


It was worth it, though, sir, the soldier said.


How do you mean worth it? responded the Lieutenant. Your friend is dead!


Yes sir, the private answered. But it was worth it because when I got to him, he was still alive, and I had the satisfaction of hearing him say, Jim, I knew youd come.


Many a time in life, whether a thing is worth doing or not really depends on how you look at it.


Take up all your courage and do something your heart tells you to do so that you may not regret not doing it later in life.


 


來源:愛詞霸沙龍





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  • 12月 21 週二 201016:59
  • 補習-It Rained So Hard Tonight-今夜的雨很大





補習-It Rained So Hard Tonight-今夜的雨很大















編譯:Lydia


It rained so hard tonight. I could feel the wind piercing through my ribs. A rainy Christmas eve. It just made me feel sadder and lonelier. It had rained the day he was buried into the ground and I had cried just like now.


今夜的雨很大,寒風刺骨。一個下雨的圣誕前夜,這只能讓我感到更悲傷、更孤單。他下葬的那一天也是如此的一個雨天,我也是哭的像現在一樣。


I was attracted to this cheerful guy when I first started helping out in the 'Home for the Disabled' three years back. He was a very special guy who was almost perfect if not for his eyes. He was blind. He became blind when he was 8.He got the high fever then, and the doctors could do nothing. He lost his sight as a result.He told me he didn't really mind not being able to see because he could always touch and feel things we 'normal' beings weren't able to. I was really touched by his optimism. Even though he was blind, his eyes were the most soulful eyes that I had ever seen. He was extremely helpful towards others and always did his best to give others what he could. He showered his love lavishly on everyone he knew. He was like an angel. He had a kind and unselfish heart. He gave half of what he earned to charity and he would help out at the 'Home' almost everyday.


三年前,當我開始到"殘疾人之家"做義工的時候,我認識了他。他是個很特殊的男孩,他的一切近乎完美,……除了他的眼睛。他是個盲人。8歲的時候,他生病了,發高燒,醫生也無能為力,后來他的眼睛就看不到東西了。他告訴我,他真的不介意,因為他可以靠觸摸來感覺事物,而我們正常人是做不到的。我被他的樂觀觸動了。雖然他的眼睛看不到東西,卻是我所見到的最充滿深情的眼睛。他總是幫助別人,并且是盡自己所能的幫助。他向每一個認識的人慷慨的奉獻愛心。他像個天使。他有一顆善良而無私的心。他把自己收入的一半捐獻給慈善事業,他幾乎每天都到"殘疾人之家"去做義工。


Whenever we were free from tending to the people at the 'Home', we would talk to one another for a long time. He talked about God a lot and how blessed was he to have found joy in the Lord. He didn't blame God for any misfortunes that had befallen on him. He said the Lord had his reasons for not giving him sight and he didn't blame God for the fact that his parent got killed in an accident when he was barely 12.I felt somewhat ashamed when I heard his words since I had always blamed God for not giving me a prettier face. I bore a grudge against God for not giving this wonderful angel His fullest blessings. I thought that God was unfair to him for taking, apart from his sight, his loved ones away from him. I felt that he truly deserved more.





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  • 12月 21 週二 201016:58
  • 補習-Iron Curtain





補習-Iron Curtain















Less than a year after the end of the World War II, the great wartime leader of Britain, Winston Churchill, delivered this speech coining the term iron curtain to describe the line in Europe between self-governing nations of the West and those in Eastern Europe under Soviet Communist control.

 


Churchill gave the speech at Westminster College, in Fulton, Missouri, after receiving an honorary degree and was introduced by Missourian, President Harry Truman.

 


The long speech is presented here in an abbreviated form.

 


 


The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.

 


It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

 


I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.

 


It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

 


From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Hear this .wav 141K | Real Audio

 


Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.

 


The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.

 


Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars. But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.

 


In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.

 


The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.

 


I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.

 


I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.

 


But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.

 


What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

 


From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.

 


For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.

 


Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.

 


There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.

 


We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.

 


If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.

 


If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.

 


Winston Churchill - March 5, 1946

 






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  • 12月 21 週二 201016:58
  • 補習-Iron Curtain Speech by Sir Winston Churchill





補習-Iron Curtain Speech by Sir Winston Churchill















The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.
It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain - and I doubt not here also - toward the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.
It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe.
Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.
Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars. But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.
In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.
I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable - still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.
I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.
But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.
What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.
For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.
There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.
We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.
If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.
If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.

 





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  • 12月 21 週二 201016:57
  • 補習-Interview: Through the Looking Glass





補習-Interview: Through the Looking Glass















24EN Editor's Note:Today's post is by Tracy Desmond Welsh, a seasoned executive search consultant, and a Vice President at Nonprofit Professionals Advisory Group (I am moving this weekend, and am a wee bit overwhelmed by boxes and all the rest). As a nonprofit executive recruiter, Tracy has interviewed hundreds (maybe thousands) of candidates and provides a great perspective from the other side of the table.


 


Even the most seasoned and fearless candidate of the corporate sector can feel like Alice walking through the looking glass in the interview process for non-profit organizations. What is important to remember is that organizations mirror the markets that they serve. Understanding the similarities and differences of organizations that are predominately mission-driven and somewhat market defined versus organizations that are almost completely market-driven and somewhat mission differentiated is critical. You must embrace and synthesize the best that each sector has to offer to not only be successful in landing the job, but in thriving in the role and the organization.


Group Interviews - while sector switchers may be familiar with group meetings of future direct-line staff at the finalist phase of an interview process, they may not realize that group interviews are often the first step in a series of interviews in non-profits. A common first step is to meet with a search committee representing a range of key constituents from board members to administrators to program and field staff. Each constituent will be interested in your perspective of their area. Given the breadth of the audience it is easy to fall into the trap of either being too vocal and alienating one group or being too vanilla and coming off as underpowered. The best antidote for such a situation is to be prepared with questions to ask each stakeholder. If time allows, make sure each member is heard from and that you are attentive so that you can tailor your own answers in a way that will resonate with their needs and aspirations.


Outcomes and Process are equally important - You might have a resume touting an impressive list of outcomes at your last job. Being quantitative about your accomplishments is important in any interview situation. By all means, do list key accomplishments. The cue that many sector switchers miss is that the process is often as or more important as the outcome. If you describe how you arrived at an outcome as a unilateral event, you will be perceived as someone who doesn't get the cultural nuances. Before talking about your accomplishments, think about all the people who touched that project. Did you have to persuade people to get them on board? What were the challenges? Offer what you would do differently. Try not to use the pronoun I too often. It will sound like you are unwilling to give others credit. Also, most sector switchers understand that the speed with which decisions are made can sometimes be longer in the non-profit sector, however, this should not be mistaken for an inability to make decisions. These organizations are not measured on quarterly market performance. The drivers are different and are predicated more on mission forces than market forces. There is an intrinsic sense of employee equity in the firm, born of passion, hard work, and dedication. The payout is not in monetary shares but in the sense of community and the ability to have an equal voice.


Do be passionate not patronizing - merely saying that you want to give back or work for a cause not widgets is not enough. Do avoid the pitfall of making it sound like your transition to the non-profit sector is a down shift from your corporate career. It's important that you are passionate about the organizations' mission, but you also need to convey how your skill set might add value to the organization and how the role will enhance your own professional growth. If you don't have personal or volunteer experience to draw from, you can differentiate yourself by learning the dynamics of the sector and the organization's place in it. You might envision something they hadn't thought of and your conversations will be more like working discussions than a trite answer about your desire to now give back.


If you have any interesting or funny interviewing stories to share, post them in the comment section.





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