大學生教師累倒在山村學校 彭水緊急動員獻愛心


  中新網重慶5月1日電 題:選派大學生教師累倒在山村學校 重慶彭水愛心涌動助其回講臺

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大學生降低薪水期望值 求職不再挑剔


  今年的高校畢業生還有兩個多月就將離校,但目前仍有部分大學生因為各種原因,沒有找到合適的工作。昨日,蜀都英匯人力資源市場針對這一群體,舉行了一場大型招聘會。會上500多家企業提供了4000多個崗位,月薪多在1500元以上。

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大學生假期求職 小心被忽悠


  青海新聞網訊 寒假正是大學生求職“充電”的好時機,假期兼職、全職招聘等信息在各類招聘網站上逐漸增多。昨日,省人才交流中心工作人員提醒,大學生利用網絡求職應盡量參加由學校或人事部門組織的網上招聘會或是登錄正規人才網,謹防被虛假招聘信息“忽悠”。

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大學生假期打工現象調查 大學生離"合格"有多遠



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大學生50佳工作場所公布 最想去聯想中移動(圖)



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補習-Life Limitates Farce


This eloquent speech was given on the floor of the House of Representatives by Representative Richard Gephardt of Missouri, the House Democratic leader, shortly before the House voted on four articles of impeachment against President Bill Clinton, Saturday, December 19, 1998. The four articles charged Clinton with perjury, obstruction of justice, and abuse of power, resulting from his attempt to conceal an extramarital affair in the White House with Monica Lewinsky when she was an intern and after she became a paid employee. Gephardt called for a resolution of censure against the President instead of impeachment and also pleaded for a change in the political atmosphere in Washington in which attacks on personal conduct, past and present, had become part of the daily discourse. Preceding Gephardt's speech, House speaker-designate Bob Livingston, a Republican from Louisiana, made a stunning announcement. Livingston first called on President Clinton to resign and then announced he would step down himself because of his own extramarital affairs which had been revealed on the eve of the impeachment vote. Several weeks earlier, House Judiciary Chairman Henry Hyde, a Republican from Illinois, had been forced to confront allegations of an extramarital affair that had occurred many years ago. Several other members of Congress had been confronted with similar rumors and allegations.
Mr. Speaker and members of the House, I stood on this floor yesterday and implored all of us to say that the politics of slash-and-burn must end. I implored all of you that we must turn away from the politics of personal destruction and return to the politics of values. It is with that same passion that I say to all of you today that the gentleman from Louisiana, Bob Livingston, is a worthy and good and honorable man. I believe his decision to retire is a terrible capitulation to the negative forces that are consuming our political system and our country. And I pray with all my heart that he will reconsider this decision. Our founding fathers created a system of government of men, not of angels. No one standing in this House today can pass a Puritanical test of purity that some are demanding that our elected leaders take. If we demand that mere mortals live up to this standard, we will see our seats of government lay empty, and we will see the best, most able people unfairly cast out of public service. We need to stop destroying imperfect people at the altar of an unobtainable morality. We need to start living up to the standards which the public, in its infinite wisdom, understands that imperfect people must strive towards, but too often fall short. We are now rapidly descending into a politics where life imitates farce. Fratricide dominates our public debate and America is held hostage to tactics of smear and fear. Let all of us here today say no to resignation, no to impeachment, no to hatred, no to intolerance of each other, and no to vicious self-righteousness. We need to start healing. We need to start binding up our wounds. We need to end this downward spiral which will culminate in the death of representative democracy. I believe this healing can start today by changing the course we've begun. This is exactly why we need this today to be bipartisan. This is why we ask the opportunity to vote on a bipartisan censure resolution, to begin the process of healing our nation and healing our people. We are on the brink of the abyss. The only way we stop this insanity is through the force of our own will. The only way we stop this spiral is for all of us to finally say -- enough. Let us step back from the abyss and let's begin a new politics of respect and fairness and decency which raises what has come before. May God have mercy on this Congress and may Congress have the wisdom and the courage and the goodness to save itself today. Richard Gephardt - December 19, 1998

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補習-Life is all about choices


邁克爾總是樂呵呵的,你總能聽到他說些積極上進的話。他似乎生來就積極進取。他這樣告訴他的員工:每天早晨醒來,我對自己說,邁克爾,今天你有兩種選擇,選擇心情愉快,選擇心情惡劣,我選擇心情愉快;有不愉快的事情發生,選擇成為一個犧牲品,或是選擇從中吸取教訓,我選擇吸取教訓。

邁克爾從60英尺的大樓上摔下,卻活了下來,當有人問及他當時的想法,他是這樣回答的:我告訴我的手術醫生,我選擇活著,我愿意做任何手術。

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補習-Life is all about choices


邁克爾總是樂呵呵的,你總能聽到他說些積極上進的話。他似乎生來就積極進取。他這樣告訴他的員工:每天早晨醒來,我對自己說,邁克爾,今天你有兩種選擇,選擇心情愉快,選擇心情惡劣,我選擇心情愉快;有不愉快的事情發生,選擇成為一個犧牲品,或是選擇從中吸取教訓,我選擇吸取教訓。

邁克爾從60英尺的大樓上摔下,卻活了下來,當有人問及他當時的想法,他是這樣回答的:我告訴我的手術醫生,我選擇活著,我愿意做任何手術。

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補習-Life is all about choices 生活充滿選擇


Michael is the kind of guy you love to hate. He is always in a good mood and always has something positive to say. When someone would ask him how he was doing, he would reply, If I were any better, Id be twins! He was a natural motivator.

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補習-Liberty or Death


Following the Boston Tea Party, Dec. 16, 1773, in which American Colonists dumped 342 containers of tea into the Boston harbor, the British Parliament enacted a series of Acts in response to the rebellion in Massachusetts. In May of 1774, General Thomas Gage, commander of all British military forces in the colonies, arrived in Boston, followed by the arrival of four regiments of British troops. The First Continental Congress met in the fall of 1774 in Philadelphia with 56 American delegates, representing every colony, except Georgia. On September 17, the Congress declared its opposition to the repressive Acts of Parliament, saying they are not to be obeyed, and also promoted the formation of local militia units. Thus economic and military tensions between the colonists and the British escalated. In February of 1775, a provincial congress was held in Massachusetts during which John Hancock and Joseph Warren began defensive preparations for a state of war. The English Parliament then declared Massachusetts to be in a state of rebellion. On March 23, in Virginia, the largest colony in America, a meeting of the colony's delegates was held in St. John's church in Richmond. Resolutions were presented by Patrick Henry putting the colony of Virginia into a posture of defense...embodying, arming, and disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that purpose. Before the vote was taken on his resolutions, Henry delivered the speech below, imploring the delegates to vote in favor. He spoke without any notes in a voice that became louder and louder, climaxing with the now famous ending. Following his speech, the vote was taken in which his resolutions passed by a narrow margin, and thus Virginia joined in the American Revolution.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope that it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth -- to know the worst and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation -- the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free -- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending -- if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us! They tell us, sir, that we are weak -- unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of the means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable -- and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come! It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace! Peace! -- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death! Patrick Henry - March 23, 1775

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